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English 36
Search Results 0 to 35 of about 36 (some duplicates have been removed)
. started in 1912, the anc was created to peacefully advocate for political rights for south africa's blacks. mandela sees the future of the organization. >> he said we at the anc wanted to be a mass organization, and we needed a mass leader. and wen thun day nelson mandela walked into his office. he realized that's the guy. >> reporter: he becomes mandela's mentor and encourages him to earn a law degree. he also introduces mandela to his young cousin, evelyn masi. the two marry in 1946 and welcomed their first child, a son, that same year. their family will eventually grow to include another son and a daughter. another daughter had been born in 1947 but died within a year. racism and segregation had existed in south africa for as long as there had been white settlers, the majority of them were descendants of the dutch and call themselves afrikaners. in 1948 the national party sweeps boo powers and codifies those apartheid policies into law. >> they were trying to achieve this kind of ethnic fragmentation of the country here in order to give the afrikaner nation its own homeland. >> reporter
cannot take lightly that the anc and nelson mandela were considered terrorists by much of the western world, including the right wing here. and for mandela to emerge as a prisoner negotiating privately, at great risk, even at the great risk of some that were supporters of his, who didn't know about the negotiations until later. for him to take that move of reconciliation and lead that country into an election, i was an election observer. i remember barbara lee. i have a picture of her and danny glover and all of us at the carlton hotel. it was an amazing time to see people lined up the first time they could vote. for miles and miles, for three days. and they didn't vote on individuals, they voted on parties. but to go from terrorist to being the kind of celebrated statesman. people shouldn't sweep past that. he suffered. many of his colleagues suffered. decades in jail, ostracized. never thought they would see daylight again as free people. but they took that and transformed their country. i was with him when he went to the u.n. and asked for the removal of sanctions. to be around thi
operation since apardth d apartheid. it raised questions about the country's leadership and power of the anc which was once unquestionably a party of the peel. with more, mike hanna in johan he johanesbur g. >> prayers for a man who touched the lives of all. an awarenets of challenges to come. the growing death between rich and poor is the most brutal reminder that mandela's promise of a better life is still to be realized. >> i think the challenge we have doesn't necessarily need man dela. it needs us in south africa to face the reality if we don't do something very logical, the why unpeople are going to revolt because if they remain poor, and a few become richer, the young people will revolt. if the fault lines within south african society have been too clear in recent times, a labor dispute that resulted in the killing of more than 30 americana last year. many argue the root cause of such violence is an africans national congress government that has lost touch with those who put it in power. >> if you look at what has been happening over the last few years in terms of public violence, you
grew up in a south africa divided by apartheid. >> the anc has two options, continue doing same, which is the political party it is now, or it can make itself into a party of the 21st century. so it has to think about the young voters, the people who were born after apartheid, born even in the 1990s who are now the youngest voters in south africa, those are the voters that it has to create a strategy for, the voters they have to convince to go to the polls and vote. >> this is a crossroads isn't it? >> yes, it is a crossroads, it cannot claim just to be the party that liberated south africa, it has to create more positive claims. >> it can't rely on nelson mandela and its history. >> right. but it's about the history of libertying south africa from white rule. it is a history that doesn't build houses. it is a history that builds clinics and makes schools run. they have to try to put in place the kind of civil service that delivers that. >> because searveg has a lot of -- searve south africa has af problems it is dealing with. how much of that should be blamed on the anc, the ruling pa
of the anc. he was arrested again in 1962 and tried for his anti-apartheid activity. mandela when sentenced to life in prison in 1964. he would end up spending a quarter of a century behind bars, first in robben island, then in cape town. waves of violence shook the country while he was in prison. forces shoternment dozens of youth and schoolchildren demonstrating peacefully. in the 1980's, the ministrations -- demonstrations and police violence continued. the country's economy collapse. the anti-apartment movement it momentumked up abroad and nelson mandela became its symbol. mandela was eventually innsferred to another prison 1988 when he initiated secret negotiations with the government. in 1990, the ban on the anc was lifted. that year he walked out a free man. mandela was elected president of the anc in 1991. he continued to negotiate with president f.w. de klerk to seek an end to the country's racist laws. both men were awarded the nobel peace prize in 1993. >> we can stop the forward movement of these forces in the country. inapartheid came to an end 1994 when black south africans we
of the anc, he goes to prison, and there is this transition. can you talk to us about nelson mandela during those prison years and that transformation. the think sing that he is both an inspirational and elegant sportsman. he is also a very practical politician. he has argued a peaceful change when that was possible, he considered that armed struggle might be necessary. he only opted the struggle in the early 1960's, and it was at that point that the south african government has banned the congress, if you were black, you could not vote, not even speak politically. even when he was released from prison in the 1990's, he did say, or he would not renounce the necessity in certain circumstances for using armed struggle. remember the south african military was threaten to have a coupe, and there was a good chance in 1994, instead of having an elected black majority, we may have seen a white racism military regime. it came very very close. >> professor, hang on, i can see ali velshi nodding here. >> yeah. professor remember in the negotiations leading to the first election, the white supremacist
. unemployment, and poverty continue to be real issues for the country, this many years now, with the anc, at the head of the political weather. >> you know, it is a combination of things. i think worldwide jobs, and labor, have -- it's a very difficult period worldwide for those but in south africa it is a place of great deal idealism, that's been cheated of it's democratic birthright in many ways. by corruption, by nepotism, and by lack of concern for those small people that have been called that nelson la used to understand were the bedrock of what makes a nation. >> well, and it is good to talk to you, greg. at this moment in time, i thank you for your insights and your thoughts on the passing of nelson mandela, and these are pictures from johan news burg outside the house. nelson mandela, the u.n. secretary general, was he making a statement of the passing, just let me know. let me bring in my colleague morgan ratford. lived and talks -- i did not know this, in south africa. morgan, what are your thoughts in. >> there was in 2010, i was there as a full right and i taught at the unive
for the question. the big accommodation that was made by the anc in the negotiations that led to the first election as you probably know was to keep the terms private property rights and the basic struts of the economy protected. that was the trade-off. the crude way of putting it is the vote and the right to have an effect in politics in exchange for no radical change in the economic structure, no radical redistribution of wealth. so 80% of land, 80% of wealth was held by whites, a minority of about 9%. and that entwining of race and class absolutely constrains the ability for a people to feel that political liberation was followed by economic liberation. and that is the biggest challenge for the government and for the society, is figuring out legal ways in which to alter those dynamics. now at the same time, in the last 19 years two million black people have moved into middle income stat that. -- strata. so not often, clearly, but also not enough so we want to be careful in terms of how we evaluate what's going on there. but certainly, that, you know, the entire thrust of the liberation movement
mandela was in his early 40s. he had joined the african national congress, the anc, way back in 1944. the anc and the other major organizations opposing apartheid in south africa had been organized as nonviolent movements, nonviolent resistance, and nonviolent organizing. but after sharpville, they decided that maybe that wasn't enough. after sharpville, they decided they would form a paramilitary wing, and nelson mandela was one of the anc leader who is went underground to help start it. they said they would target government buildings and strategic infrastructure and they would try to sabotage the state. after sharpville, the government of south africa started mass arrests of anc leaders and other activists. they banned the anc. they made it illegal to be a member of that group. nelson mandela was arrested for treason in 1961, he was acquitted and he was convicted of traveling illegally. they sentenced him to five years hard labor on south africa's version of alcatraz, which is robin island. while he was already serving that sentence, while he was already in prison, they put him on
to the anc, the same organization. my grandmother was also a political leader within the anc. >> and your grandmother then also was close to him and visited him in prison, and nelson mandela wrote her. >> several times, and my grandmother would write back. she told me she wrote so many letters, some of which never reached him. a few made it all the way and she put them into a book. and after giving them to the archives. >> having visited him in prison where he suffered, he it tuberculosis, problems with his eyesight. she must have seen the suffering. what did she say or what do you think about how he left prison and had the grace and indignity to invite the gaolers. >> at this point i have to d admit when she came back i thought she'd come back with a message of fighting. let's continue the fight. she said, "you'll be surprised, my grandson, nelson mandela is going to tell us all to reconcile, shake hands with our former enemies." he is convinced he'll be released. she came back convinced the man had not changed. he was for the policies and would reconcile. desmond tutu, the arch bishop a
, but when it stopped being successful, i turned the anc into a military armed wing because my plate goal, my overriding principle was premium for my people and justice for my people and anything that would get me there was what road i would take, that's a pragmatist, a pragmatic politician, not a saint. >> rose: jerry? >> yes, you know, i agree, rick is heartfelt on that because he was very pragmatic but one of my reflect shunls after 20 plus years is how real he was. i mean, you know, if you saw him flirtatious or joyful or festive or playful, it was that way when you were behind the scenes or when you were in front of the camera. but wow know, when he went out on any public appearance, howie was being, how he was being projected, how he was moving, i will tell you a very interesting story when we were back back as a family to see him right at towards the end, when the world cup was there. we walked into have just a little personal time with him and he said to me, how did we do? and that is an amazing comment, because he was so interested in how the country reflected around the world, how
in the country. that's because he was a member of the anc the liberation movement that not apartheid in south africa for decades. movement that the white apartheid threw mandela in prison for being a part of, giving him a light sentence after releasing him after 27 years in captivity, even then, even in the summer of 1990, those first months after he had finally been let out of jail. even as south africa was finally starting to take those first frazzled steps away from apartheid in towards real genuine multi-racial draerks even then as nelson mandela was being hailed as a hero, all across the globe, the united states government officially considered him a member of a terrorist organization. they forced him to endure the endignitary of receiving a waiver of being told in effect, sure, come on in, we will give you some rewards, call you a hero. you are the revepgsception. the rest of the anc, we think they are terrorists. it wasn't until 2008 that congress passed and president george w. bush, not his father, it wasn't until five years ago the u.s. government got around to signing legislation th
of actually what was the case. when chris hani was an anc leader, was murdered, that was a seminole moment. you talked about when then mandela goes to f.w. de klerk and says, you have to stop this or virtually everything will go off the rails. >> and he went on television in south africa that night rather than de klerk ask showed that he was the father of the nation. as you know, i was with him when his father was murdered. we were in kuno, had just taken an early morning walk, the phone rang and he picked it up and got the news. he was on the phone for about 15 minutes, his expression never changed. he put down the phone and turned to me with a little ex aspiration and said, man, where is our porridge? he was so calm in a crisis and then he rose to that. he said that was when south africa was on the knife edge of a civil war. that was one of the most perilous moments of modern history. and he presided over the fact that they would repair themselves. >> charlene gault is with us in south africa. i want to show over the years of how mandela was featured, and that international claim that re
. it caught fire. they began to educate and send their anc representatives out of the country and all over the world talking about what was going on. i introduced legislation in the california state assembly where i was serving to divest all of our pension funds from businesses that were doing business in south africa. that caught fire. and investment started all over the united states in various legislatures. the young people on the college campuses started to march and rally. transafrica forms and began to sit in at the south african embassy. we closed down the south african council here in los angeles, so the movement took hold. and we added to that the sanctions, the rallies, the protests, the education about what was going on, and it brought apartheid to an end. >> yeah, i think the key point if that is the grass-roots movement of divestment as the predicate to sanctions. it became the national government's policy version of what universities and cities and states and all sorts of cities were working on on a grass-roots level. i want to bring in thomas frank, author of "the wrecking c
declerk to reform the government had to play peace keeper, trying to temper escalading violence anc, and supporters of the freedom barty, who wanted no part of negotiations with the government that had helped him down for so long. thousands were killed in black on black fighting. also, his marriage to winny mandela, a powerful political force herself was crumbling, the woman who supported him so publicly during the long years of incarceration was accused of having affaired and being linked to some of the violence in south africa. they finally deviced. through it all, he led the country through broader democracy, and in 1984, he was able to vote for himself in a free election. he won, and was inaugurated as the first black president of his country. >> on this day, you took destiny into your own hands. you decided that would nothing would stop you from electing the government of your choice. country's infrastructure. he met the white house, meeting with three sitting presidents. in 2002 george w. bush presented him with the medal of freedom. president obama met mandela once in 2005, w
administration branded the anc a terrorist group and dick cheney voted against a resolution to release nelson mandela. so this was all happening around the world. >> right. i think peter godwin's point that south africa's transition was facile traitated by the end the cold what are is extremely important but it's important to remember in the 1980s a lobl anti-apartheid movement arose during the cold war in which people in america said we're not going to see south africa in purely cold war terms. we're not going to sep reagan's pacic envision that the apartheid regime is on the part of the free world because it's anti-communist and the anc, they are on the side of unfreedom. i think the willingness to look at south africa beyond cold war terms when when the cold war was raging was critically important to the transition in south africa. >> when you talked with nelson mandela, did you find that he -- had he forgiven the west for, you know, having mostly for the most part sided against the anc? >> i think in my conversations with him, he forgave the west, and he realized there's a huge amount of
was a loyal member of the anc as he said. part of his virtue as a politician was that he changed and bended. the anc said, national of the minds, he believed that, he changed his mind. but what he always believed and never forgot and it's a little bit unpopular to say he believed politics was way of changing people's lives for the better. and he was proud to call himself a politics that is what he did. >> as politics you also understood dramatic flourish. there were moments, we saw that in 1990 when he did that eight-city tour. i think when he went to detroit he quoted marvin gay. in front of that audience, it was brilliant. mother, mother, too many of -- brother, brother, too many of you are dying, mother, mother, too many are crying. he understood the moment. >> schieffer: what did he say in new york? >> can i just tell a story. when we were doing christmas kindness in south africa go to remote villages. thousands of kids would be waiting for their soccer balls and jersey. a local politician went on for an hour about political theory. nelson mandela did twinkle, twinkle, little star and
, which was always the goal of the anc. and whether one is from nigeria or tanzania or closer to home, mozambique, across africa people rallied behind the anc in that struggle. i think president mandela stood for freedom, and he now stands for integrity and perseverance. the continent needs to move towards that in terms of the next phase of the struggle, which is political freedom has been achieved now. economic freedom is necessary. >> speak a little about your own experience in relation to the perspective of nelson mandela, particularly when it comes to nonviolent protest, and in violence in africa, as well is the work you have done combating aids in africa. >> i really respect president mandela, again, because of his conviction. he was a person who started as he did, in terms of nonviolent struggle against apartheid regime, and at some point he realized the level of repression of the national party required a more robust response, which was moving towards arms struggle. leader likefound a erk who could negotiate with the national party that was now ready after the mass demonstratio
in south africa. but having him work with his team and the pollster for the anc during that first election, there were three things that really struck me. one was just his enormous clarity and vision for the country and bringing the country together. the second was his great pragmatism. there were a set of election rules that came down that were really disadvantageous to mandela and to the anc. we were all very upset by those rules, and he was just very calm and said no, we'll make it work. find a way to make it work. he refused to fight over the rules and just said we'll make it work. >> give us some unsight into that. what were his unique qualities that allowed him to make it work? in the face of what seemed to be something that was very difficult if not insurmountable. >> i think, first of all, was just the clarity of his own vision. the amount of thinking that he had done about where he wanted to take the country and what reconciliation meant. and how he had already put that to practice. that was so fundamental to his soul. and what was interesting is, of course, there were many factio
that as a particular front, and i think that the way mandela operated certainly was present in the anc, was to provide influence people that he was on the right coarse. and if you weren't persuaded that was fine as well. so i always think of him as someone who didn't know his opposition as a club or a shield, he used it to try to unite the country. at our first meeting after he became president and i was elected leader of party in may 1994. he asked me to have breakfast in cape town, and he said, you know, toni, the opposition must hold up a mirror to the government. and we might not always like what we see in it, but that is a democracy. and he was pretty true to that. if you [ inaudible ] on certain toes of his organization, he was none too happy, but i think in the main he lived up to the ideals that he set out for the >> nelson mandela leaves a lasting legacy across the africa continent. let's hear from malcolm who has been speaking to a uganda journalist. >> we are outside of uganda's sports stadium. it was built in 1997 and it was named after nelson mandela. mandela visited uganda on several occ
that exist for the anc that. while the poem at the moment. this is a considerable amount of corruption south africa and stories about corruption and boned and use it also that the society's to read oh three made racially polarized colorful polka to benjamin was the monks months to rectify that has to be said that very few boys actually voted for the free soul of the month mendoza province and he couldn't persuade them to support his political coffin. i'm voting continues to be more of this moment line. also coincides to the pool this is the rich to some extent. one of their increasing numbers of reach back to swell. but to the society's to live with a deeply divided when i was quite a lot of distrust we've come becomes apparent in court cases which opened for the two women. when the victims from one rife with conflict is another things tend to be drawn before. ha we can keep the killing. sequim musicians are guthrie and dealing county fair this evening preparing to perform in a small nineteenth century church for the twelfth annual other voices festival this year's lineup features new talent
but he wasn't the leader of it. he embodied the anc's approach, their principles. but he wasn't the only one. during my time in south africa, especially in the late '80s, when apartheid still existed, i met any number of south african, leaders, rank and pile, who had been through terrible injustice. fellow graduates of robin island, for example. people who had been tortured or under banning orders. and almost to a person i heard similar words from them that we heard from nelson mandela after he was released from prison. and in many ways my love for south africa and my inspiration from south africans came from those years when mandela was still in prison, when we didn't even know what he looked like because there was only one old picture. he was the leader. he was the "avatar" of the movement. but there's much, much more, and he was standing on a firm base, firm foundation. >> you know, it's been surprising, mark, you know, on the one handle, this effort to sanitize mandela that we're seeing now, you know, i'm trying to make this kind of play around king, and yet also -- and this is maybe
arrests for peaceful protests, anc's protest land mandela in prison for 27 years on charges of attempting to overthrow the government. the terms were notorious and brutal. the sentence confined him to a small cell for 27 years. for 18 of those years, mandela was allowed only one visitor a year for 30 minutes. he was able to write and receive one letter every six months and he was sentenced to hard labor. in those same decades that mandela lost his eldest son and mother, he was not allowed to attend their funerals. the miracle of mandela, after missing three decades of his life, after being closed off from three decades of change in the world mandela emerged without bitterness and without spite. upon his release mandela emerged hopeful. so hopeful he remained committed to working with the very same people who once imprisoned him all in the name of finding a solution for the people of south africa. when i walked out of prison, he wrote in his autobiography, it was my mission to liberate the oppressed and oppressor both. to be free is not merely to cast off one's chains but live in a way tha
of negotiation, not always with the support of his colleagues in the anc, in order to deliver not just a transfer of power that offered the prospect of peace for all the people of south africa. mandela once notably said, "this is not about moving from white domination to black domination. there must be no domination of either community." he was an extraordinary man in not only believing that but practising it with every fibre of his being. as we look today at the lessons of mandela's extraordinary life and incredible achievements, at his contribution not just to south africa, which goes without saying, but to the wider world and at why he has become such an iconic figure, two factors stand out. first, he is perhaps the best example we have had in the past 100 years of how political leaders, by force of personality, transform themselves from politicians into statesman can by their sheer personal effort change the world and make what was impossible possible and then deliver it. he is not the only one who has done so. we should not think of him as unique. gorbachev, by the force of his personality,
of the guerrilla army, the formation, the armed wing of the anc and the chief of intelligence. slate got this succession of people from different parts of the liberation movement taking over who had been out of the country for longer to time, or had been imprisoned for laundries of time. and to a certain extent that shape some of the mistakes that have been made in the last yea years. >> does thabo mbeki talk but what surprised we came back after all those years and except? >> want to thank you quickly learn when you interview people or politicians and political power is nothing ever surprise them. so the main thing that upset him every time i was into being and is, i would ask that question what would surprise you to what was unusual, what jumped out at you? every, i would say that he would lean back, take a look at me with a lizardlike look when you know you have irritated him. and that would come. know, my brother, never surprised. never admit you were surprised. i think the things that surprised thabo mbeki certainly who was the second president of the liberated south africa was exte
in the anc, the african national congress which until the so-called massacre had advocated only peaceful protests. >> there are many people who feel that it is useful for us to continue talking nonviolence against the government. on defenseless people. >> mandela was one of those people he founded the armed wing of anc. considered a revolutionary he was put on trial for sabotage and conspiracy, his defense was a defiant four and a half hour speech that ended this way. >> i have fought against and i have fought against. >> the ideal of democratic and free society he went on. >> for which i am prepared to die. >> he expect to be hanged instead he was sentenced to life in prison. but even locked up nelson mandela was considered a terrorist by the south african government. you could be jailed for wearing a t-shirt like this one or carrying a sign. >> we demand the unconditional release of nelson mandela! >> international pressure to end apartheid and free nelson mandela was incensed. the star studded rock concert held in london in honor of his 70th birthday was seen on television by hundreds
to face during the time when he was a splinter unit in the anc. so that was his tactic. they would walk into places where he knew there was a congregation of people and put that message down. and, you know, we shot that scene in a similar way. we didn't tell the audience that i was playing mandela. we didn't tell them anything. they got dressed. they got into the costumes. and they watched that film for about six minutes or so. and cameras were on them watching them. then i walk in and do that. >> now -- go ahead, i'm sorry. >> there are people living in soweto. >> the people in the audience. >> we were very conscious to make sure people were represented from the community we were shooting in. >> this is in south africa. people can get a sense of mandela and what the environment was like. >> that was very important to the film makers to drop the audience right in amongst it and the actors amongst it. make sure we go into and had them in. and they made that. it was apartheid that effected people of south africa. so we needed them to be -- this is not a green screen movie. this is where a
'm a loyal member of the anc. the world had changed and had to go away from the socialist philosophy. he changed radically in a very short amount of time. one of the things he always said to me, he was never high bound about haenging his mind. he said when circumstances change i changed my mind. what do you do. another great lesson for politicians. so he evolved so tremendously when he came out of prison. it was astonishing to watch. >> it is astonishing. incredible story. >> the transition between icon to being in power is one of those impossible things to do. >> it was much more difficult coming out of prison and being a practical politician than being in prison. mandela's greatest teacher said i haven't had a good night's sleep since i left prison because now have responsibility. >> in 1994 brian williams interviewed nelson mandela. he asked him about his predecessor f.w. de klerk. >> my relationship with mr. de klerk and he's one of those south africans that i hold in high regard. we have had differences where we said cruel things to each other but at the end of the day, we're able t
Search Results 0 to 35 of about 36 (some duplicates have been removed)